No to Wars of Conquest in Venezuela and Beyond

President Donald Trump’s military attack in Venezuela not only risks entangling the United States in a new costly war but also opens the door to a world in which interstate wars of economic conquest and expansion are common practice. In the wake of the attack, Trump previewed such as he threatened military action against Greenland, Colombia, Cuba, and even Mexico. Continuing down this path will lead to a more violent global environment and surely put Americans at greater risk – especially in an increasingly multi-polar world with unconstrained nuclear weapons. If we want to avoid that future, we must come together now, raise our collective voices, and say no to these new wars of imperial conquest. 

Trump has launched an illegal military action to kidnap Venezuela’s President Nicolas Maduro and has asserted that the U.S. will now “run” the country.  The intervention is supposedly a response to narco-terrorism, yet there is little indication that Maduro’s arrest will slow narcotics trafficking. Indeed, as many have pointed out, only a small amount of the most dangerous illicit drugs entering in the United States originate in or transit Venezuela. The primary purpose of this move, stated boldly in imperialist terms, is to gain access to Venezuela’s oil. Trump has ordered Venezuelan authorities to cut oil trade with Russia, China and Cuba and is seeking indefinite U.S. control over Venezuelan energy resources. 

SOLUTIONS, DISTILLED:
No to Wars of Conquest in Venezuela and Beyond

Concerned citizens and activists want lawmakers in Congress to exercise their constitutional war power to prevent new wars in Venezuela and beyond.
A new, broader peace movement is needed to counter militarism at home and abroad and assure U.S. adherence to domestic and international laws on the use of force.
The movement must put forward compelling alternatives for managing security concerns and resolving international conflicts.
Active engagement by the UN and multilateral institutions. will be important to support any peaceful transition in Venezuela.

David Cortright and Peter J. Quaranto for the International Policy Journal

Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio are exerting control of Venezuelan affairs with diplomatic pressures and a total embargo on oil exports, but they are prepared to use military force again if necessary. Trump made it explicit. “We are not afraid of boots on the ground if we have to.” 

Trump’s military attack in Venezuela violates the U.S. Constitution and is contrary to U.S. laws that require congressional consultation and impose limits on the use of force abroad. It is also a clear violation of the UN Charter and is contrary to core principles of international law and international humanitarian law. As Michael Hirsh explains in Foreign Policy, the attack sets a dangerous precedent that could provide a green light for other powerful countries to engage in wars of conquest and aggression. The attack – and Trump’s subsequent threats to attack more countries – threatens to accelerate the unraveling of international norms established to keep the peace after two world wars.  

The U.S. public reaction to the overthrow of Maduro so far is mixed. Few lament the removal of a repressive dictator, but many question Trump’s blatant disregard for the law and the lack of congressional oversight  An initial Washington Post poll found respondents evenly split on approving or disapproving the military capture of Maduro, 63% agreeing that the operation should have congressional approval, and 94% agreeing that the Venezuelan people should choose their own future leaders. A Reuters/Ipsos poll found 33% in favor of the operation and 72% concerned about the U.S. becoming too heavily involved in Venezuela. 

Many Venezuelan exiles have applauded Trump’s military action, understandably. They have suffered from tyranny, corruption, and economic collapse, and are hoping that Maduro’s removal will bring national renewal. It is right to acknowledge and support the democratic aspirations of the Venezuelan people. It would be naïve, however, to believe that the Trump administration is actively interested in supporting democratic rights in Venezuela. While the U.S. supported Venezuelan democracy activist Maria Corina Machado for the Nobel Peace Prize and backed the campaign of her party’s presidential nominee, Edmundo González, in last year’s stolen election, Trump has dismissed opposition leaders as “lacking respect” within Venezuela. 

Trump’s interest is oil, not democratic freedom. He seeks to give American energy companies control over Venezuela’s oil production. It’s about the money. 

For the moment the administration has indicated its willingness to work with Venezuelan Vice President, now acting President, Delcy Rodriguez. The structures of the country’s government and armed forces remain in place. Whether and how Venezuelan officials will do Trump’s bidding remains uncertain. A lot of things could go wrong in this scenario. There are many cautionary lessons from past U.S. attempts to stabilize countries following military invasions, from Afghanistan to Iraq to Libya, but it is doubtful the Trump team cares about such.

In this moment, as envisioned by the country’s founders, Congress’ role is critical. Lawmakers must exercise their constitutional war power to ensure the United States does not use force rashly without weighing the significant potential consequences for the American public in the short- and long-term. Congress has the power of the purse to halt funding for any further use of force in, over or off the shores of Venezuela, and also to prevent threatened military action against other countries. Legislative debate and votes on these issues are underway in Washington. Grassroots activists and concerned citizens can make a difference by raising their voices and demanding that legislators (and candidates for the 2026 elections) support prohibitions on further military action in Venezuela and beyond. 

We need a new American peace movement that can counter the march toward militarism at home and abroad, as we recently wrote in Waging Nonviolence. This includes developing a renewed, winning message about how the United States benefits from a rules-based international system, engaging in multilateralism, and investing in mechanisms to mitigate crises and resolve conflicts peacefully. Surely, some rules and mechanisms need updating and restructuring to meet the needs of a changing world. The U.N. system is imperfect, but could be modernized and strengthened with the support of member states.

Indeed, active engagement by the U.N. and other multilateral bodies, including the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, will be important to support any planned transitions and foster a peaceful future in Venezuela. If new elections are planned for Venezuela in the future, they should be structured and monitored by independent observers. Strong international engagement can help Venezuela enact critical reforms, including steps to address elements of the security sector truly involved in criminal activity. Mitigating the interference of competing external forces can also reduce the risk of a civil war scenario.

The American people do not want more wars of choice or conquest. Trump was elected on a promise to end wars, not to engage in aggressive action against other countries. The U.S. attempt to take control of Venezuela threatens to repeat some of the worst moral and strategic failures of past U.S. military adventurism, for which the American people and communities around the world have paid enormous costs. By coming together and emphatically rejecting this path, we can stop this dangerous trajectory. And importantly, we can begin to chart an alternative path for global peace and security.

David Cortright is a visiting scholar at Cornell University’s Reppy Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies and professor emeritus at Notre Dame’s Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies. Peter J. Quaranto is a visiting professor of the practice and global policy fellow at the University of Notre Dame’s Keough School of Global Affairs, and served previously in senior roles at the State Department’s Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations.


Five Big, Beautiful “Peace” Announcements Trump Could Make Next Week

Peter J. Quaranto is a visiting professor of the practice and global policy fellow at the University of Notre Dame’s Keough School of Global Affairs, and served previously in senior roles at the State Department’s Bureau of Conflict and Stabilization Operations. Ms. Chandrima Das is a Nonresident Fellow in the Protection of Civilians and Human Security Program at the Stimson Center, and served previously as director of multilateral affairs at the National Security Council.

President Trump has declared himself “the President of PEACE” and claims credit for de-escalating at least seven conflicts. His personal involvement has helped cement some important – if fragile – ceasefires. Yet with the deadly wars in Gaza, Sudan, and Ukraine raging on and escalations in the Caribbean, the broader outlook is bleak. The Peace Research Institute Oslo recently tallied 61 active conflicts across 36 countries – the highest number since 1946.

If leaders truly want to rein in global violence and lay the groundwork for peace, they must go beyond firefighting individual crises and confront the structural conditions fueling costlier, deadlier, and increasingly internationalized wars. What the world lacks are updated norms, stronger multilateral tools, and sharper incentives that can reinforce peace, anticipate and manage conflicts, limit human carnage, and raise the cost of belligerence.

Next week, when world leaders gather in New York for the UN Global Assembly, Trump will capture the spotlight on the global stage. Most will expect him to boast about his perceived achievements or defend his most controversial choices. What if, in addition, he used that platform to propose bold new initiatives that could spark international cooperation against the scourge of war? Here are five surprising moves Trump could announce that would advance the cause of future peace.

1) We will end the menace of nuclear weapons this century. 

Few future scenarios are more frightening than wars involving nuclear weapons. And yet most experts agree: the risk is growing. In just five months, the U.S.-Russia New START agreement limiting strategic nuclear weapons production will expire. Several countries are moving to increase their stockpiles. This includes China, which is projected to reach over 1,000 nuclear warheads by 2030. Trump has been vocal about his concerns with nuclear war and expressed openness on arms control talks with Russia and China. Bold leadership is needed now to launch those talks and secure a new global framework to safeguard, limit, and ultimately reduce nuclear arsenals. 

2) We will fund and help build the best peacekeeping forces ever.

Peacekeeping is on the decline. Compared to a decade ago, the number of peacekeepers deployed worldwide is down over 20% and the UN budget for such has dropped by half. Yet, arguably, the world needs effective peacekeeping more than ever. Two decades of research demonstrates that multilateral peacekeeping – when structured properly and with accountability – can successfully save lives and help secure ceasefires. If Trump and other leaders achieve their stated goals of brokering agreements to end costly wars, peacekeeping missions can make those agreements last. Peacekeeping is also cost-effective: studies have shown UN peacekeeping can be up to eight times cheaper than deploying U.S. troops to a conflict zone. And there are promising ongoing initiatives that reimagine more effective future peacekeeping missions.

3) We will stop more wars before they begin.

Copious research has reinforced the value of investing more in prevention. Early warning and quick action to de-escalate tensions before wars start and become entrenched can save billions of dollars over the long run. This is an area where the UN system can add substantially more value to its core mission of maintaining peace and security. And yet, the international community has not moved from admiring the need for prevention to operationalizing it. With more political and financial support, the UN could enhance its systems for identifying potential and emergent conflicts and strengthen its mechanisms for preventative diplomacy and mediation, including through the UN’s Mediation Unit

4) We will rally the world to ban killer robots.

The use of lethal unmanned aerial vehicles is making wars deadlier and more difficult to stop. Data shows widening use of these drones by both state and non-state actors. Some 91 non-state actors reportedly launched drone strikes in 2023, a 1400 percent increase from five years before. Imagine these drones operating with less and less human control. And drones are likely a harbinger of more autonomous technologies that will become part of future wars. The “Stop Killer Robots” Campaign highlights the risks of weapon technologies that are able to operate without human control. The future of world peace depends on setting limits on how these new technologies are used, controlled, and transferred. It is a fallacy for global powers to just think they can manage these risks by seeking competitive advantages. 

5) We will fix the broken UN Security Council.

The Security Council’s inability to marshal collective action toward the crises in Gaza, Sudan, and Ukraine has exposed its fundamental brokenness as an institution. At last year’s Summit of the Future, world leaders pledged to reform the Council. Past U.S. Administrations have expressed support for expanding the Council’s membership, including to add permanent seats for African and small island developing states. However, needed reform goes beyond the Council’s membership to addressing how the Council operates. While formal amendments to the UN Charter are likely too difficult to contemplate, experts have identified creative “non-amendment reforms” that could make a difference. Some of these ideas build upon the model of the Uniting Peace Resolution of 1950, applied during the Council’s inaction amid emerging Cold War rivalry and during Russia’s invasion of Crimea in 2014.

Expand limits on Nuclear Weapons
Invest in strengthening the peacekeeping of the future
Enhance early warning and conflict prevention
Pursue a treaty limiting autonomous weapons systems
Rethink and reform the UN Security Council

We would be as surprised as you if these announcements were made next week. Unfortunately, so far, the Trump administration seems more intent on limiting the UN than using it as a platform. Trump has called for the UN to go back to its core mission of maintaining international peace and security, but undermines the UN’s ability to respond to related ongoing crises. The recent rescissions package cut more than $1 billion across UN agencies and essentially zeroed out U.S. contributions to UN peacekeeping. With the U.S. stepping back, other countries – especially China – are now gaining more influence over the UN’s workings. 

Eighty years ago, in the wake of the last world war, U.S. leaders led the charge in sparking global cooperation to “save succeeding generations from the scourge of war.” The need for that cooperation is even greater today. In a future marked by more nuclear proliferation, killer robots, a changing planet, and regular shocks, our collective fates as humanity are intertwined. The sooner our leaders acknowledge that and get to work on building the future of peace, the better for all of us.