Statement on Major Israeli Escalation in Lebanon

Center for International Policy (CIP) executive vice president Matt Duss issued the following statement regarding Israel’s recent escalation in Lebanon, including the current ground offensive:

“The Israeli government’s decision to dramatically escalate its attacks in Lebanon is a dangerous gamble that risks the lives of countless Lebanese, Israeli, Palestinian and other civilians across the region.

“Israel has the right to defend itself from Hezbollah and other threats, but we note that this escalation comes after months of Prime Minister Netanyahu rejecting U.S. efforts to secure a ceasefire in Gaza. As we know from the very recent past, the potential for protracted, deadly escalation is significant. Israel has been caught in a costly quagmire in Lebanon before – one that ultimately did not defeat Hezbollah or provide lasting security on its northern border. An Israeli military assault on Lebanon that employs the same methods or maximalist objectives as the nearly year-old war in Gaza threatens to cause even more devastation and death, with civilians bearing the brunt of the carnage.

“The Biden Administration is right to seek deescalation, but must realize that months of failure to impose meaningful consequences on Netanyahu for grave international humanitarian law violations and obstructing a ceasefire in Gaza has contributed to the disregard for U.S. and international concerns with which Israel has now acted in Lebanon. The ability of the United States to prevent an all-out war that could draw in the U.S. and Iran and imperil millions in the region, including American personnel, rests on whether President Biden is finally willing to take the steps necessary – including suspending offensive weapons deliveries – to prevent a horrific conflagration.”

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How Democrats Can Fix Their Failed Israel-Gaza Policy And Hold Netanyahu Accountable

Matt Duss, EVP of Center for International Policy, joins Wajahat Ali on Chai Talk to discuss what a successful Israel-Gaza policy would look like under a Harris-Walz Administration — one that could finally help regional security, end war crimes, and benefit Democrats politically. Duss offers immediate solutions and long-term course corrections in which the United States could use its immense power and leverage to direct a more sane, just, and peaceful policy in the Middle East.

This Is How Democrats Can Fix Their Failed Israel-Gaza Policy And Hold Netanyahu Accountable by THE LEFT HOOK with Wajahat Ali

The Biden Administration’s foreign policy in Israel has enabled Prime Minister Netanyahu to unleash a genocide and escalate the war to Lebanon. How can Democrats course correct?

Read on Substack

Check out the full interview on Wajahat Ali’s Substack, The Left Hook.

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Matt Duss discusses Hezbollah, Lebanon, and Israel on Mehdi Unfiltered

Executive Vice President Matt Duss joins Zeteo’s Mehdi Hassan to discuss the humanitarian toll in Lebanon, how likely it is that Iran will get involved, and how another war could impact the US presidential election:

Hezbollah, Lebanon, and Israel: Five Things You Need To Know by Mehdi Hasan

Mehdi debunks some of the main media and hasbara myths about the new escalation in the Middle East.

Read on Substack

Watch the full interview on Zeteo. Check out transcript excerpts below:

MEHDI HASAN: Matt, were you surprised at the sheer ferocity of the Israeli assault? It’s the single biggest day of killing in Lebanon since the end of the Civil War in 1990, I believe. Over 500 dead in a day, even by Israeli standards. Even by the standards of Gaza, 500 dead in a day.

MATT DUSS: Right, no, I was surprised. And that’s saying a lot. What we’ve seen over the past 11 months really just defies belief, really unprecedented, I think, in this century in terms of modern warfare, the amount of destruction. But the ferocity of the strikes this week were staggering.

[….]

MEHDI HASAN: And, Matt, in terms of long histories, obviously Americans aren’t very good when it comes to long histories, whether it’s American elites or the American public. When you look at what’s happening with Lebanon right now from a D.C. perspective… You had Joe Biden say, my red line is Rafah. Netanyahu trampled all over that red line, destroyed Rafah in many ways. Then he said, well, regional escalation, that’s another red line. We’re not going to support you. There were all these leaks from the administration. We’re not going to support you if you pick a fight beyond Gaza. They’ve picked a fight beyond Gaza. There’s an argument that they want to escalate to Iran, and we’ll come to that. What is going on in Washington, D.C.? You’re here. You’ve worked in this town on foreign policy for a long time. You’ve worked in Congress. What is the… What calculations are going on right now in the White House, in Congress?

MATT DUSS: Right. I mean, to back up what you said about the red line, I think is right. I mean, President Biden laid down a red line on Rafah, but it became clear that the real red line was that regional escalation. We’ve seen the U.S. engage in strikes on Iran-backed groups, especially after the strike on the Jordanian facility that killed several American service members. And they opposed the Rafah invasion until it became clear that that invasion could be carried out without spilling into Egypt. So they have themselves admitted that the humanitarian impact, the number of deaths and displaced in the Rafah operation was as bad or worse than they feared. But as long as it was contained within Gaza, And as you said, Netanyahu rolled right over it. The challenge we have now is almost a year into this, whatever President Biden might say about what he wants or doesn’t want, he refuses and has refused all along to impose any costs on Netanyahu. And until that equation changes, Netanyahu is going to continue what he’s doing, which is prolonging, sustaining and expanding this war for his own political purposes. Again, it is very clear. that that is what is driving this. Israeli officials themselves have acknowledged this. The president himself apparently, you know, reportedly, privately has acknowledged that he understands that Netanyahu knows his only path to staying in political power and avoiding the reckoning for October 7 is to sustain this war.

[…]

MEHDI HASAN: When Israel says we’re being attacked on multiple fronts by Iran-backed groups, by the Houthis, by Hamas, by Hezbollah, And someone like Karim says, well, actually, they all say end the genocide and we’ll stop this. The Houthis have said that for a while. The counter comes, well, you can’t trust these groups. That’s a very naive, simplistic view of the world. But could it be that simple that if you stop the killing in Gaza, a lot of this goes away?

MATT DUSS: No, there is obviously a larger regional context here. Some of these groups, you know, they have relationships with Iran, some of which are much closer, as with Hezbollah, some not so close, as with the Houthis. But It seems pretty clear that Gaza is the crisis that is driving this right now. So yes, once you end the Gaza war, you do have a range of other problems that you still need to deal with, a range of other conflicts and tensions. But really, the Gaza catastrophe, it is what is driving this crisis right now. And we just, you know, there’s an effort by the Israelis, by Netanyahu, and by some in the United States to try and de-link these things. But we cannot.

MEHDI HASAN: Do you think that the people who are doing the de-linking in DC, Matt, they’re doing that through ignorance, or they know? Is the guy sitting inside the Pentagon, the State Department, the White House National Security Council, is that guy, he knows.

MATT DUSS: He knows that this is all interlinked, and that if we stopped one, we would stop the rest. But he can’t say it, because the political atmosphere doesn’t allow him to say it. By and large, I think people know. But you do have, you know, you have a faction in Washington, a very influential one, that is just fundamentally committed to backing what Israel wants at any given time. Some who seem, you know, particularly committed to Netanyahu. Some are acting, I think, in good faith. They are committed to the security of Israel. But the way that they divide, you know, support that in policy, we all see the results. Right? I mean, this Gaza war, the context of it comes in years and decades of U.S.-backed impunity in the occupied territories. That is what created the context for the attacks, the horrific attacks of October 7.

[…]

MEHDI HASAN: We’ve seen this movie before, Matt, in the War on Terror, where, quote, unquote, the War on Terror, which was a war of terror in many ways, and which emboldened a lot of groups and pushed a lot of people in the Middle East who should have been on our side, quote, unquote, onto the side of our opponents because of the nature of how we fought. Has the United States, A) learned any lessons from its war on terror and B) is it trying to impart any of those lessons to the Israelis?

MATT DUSS: Well that’s really interesting because president Biden as you might remember in the days and weeks after October 7 when he was you know demonstrating his support for Israel, which again I think was appropriate especially in the wake of that attack, said specifically we’re trying I’m trying to help them understand some of the lessons we learned after 9/11. Don’t make our mistakes and yet they’re making worse mistakes. And the United States and President Biden himself is backing those mistakes unconditionally. So I’m very sorry to say it does not seem that this city, many in this city have — I think there’s been more criticism of this policy than we’ve seen in the past — but I’m really frustrated to see that so many in this city have not learned those lessons.

MEHDI HASAN: A lot of people watching this will wonder, especially globally, why can people in Washington DC not see what everyone else in the world sees? As I say, you’ve been part of the bureaucracy. You’ve been in Congress. You’re in a think tank in DC. I think it’s too simplistic just to say it’s AIPAC, right? It’s a lot of factors.

MATT DUSS: That’s right–

MEHDI HASAN: What kind of factors are we talking here? Military industrial complex, the blob, as Ben Rhodes identified, kind of lazy conventional wisdom thinking. Is it Joe Biden being a Zionist in his gut? Just briefly explain to us, what are the multiplicity of factors that make Washington DC so impervious to the arguments that seem to work everywhere else? Macron comes out and says the occasional sensible thing. The British government occasionally comes out, but not in DC.

MATT DUSS: Yeah. I mean, first of all, it’s really hard to overstate the impact of a president who’s setting the tone as Joe Biden has, which is just full support for Israel and little, if any, acknowledgment of the humanity of the Palestinians, their value as human beings. I think we have seen this time and time again. And it’s partially the avoiding disagreement with the leader of your party. I mean, this is not just a foreign policy problem. Any party, politicians in that party are by and large going to be very hesitant to break with the leader in their party. And he has set this tone. Now, that has not been total. We certainly have seen people in the Congress who have had the courage to disagree and criticize.

MEHDI HASAN: All Democrats, by the way. All Democrats. No Republicans.

MATT DUSS: Of course, all Democrats. Part of it is just who, you know, the people we have kind of informing us in the major media, they tend to have a particular ideological bent on this as well, or else they just don’t know very much about it, and so the people they are trying to learn from aren’t giving them the best information. And I think we also have to acknowledge that a lot of this is just careerism. There are boundaries that are set Those boundaries are changing. Again, I think the conversation we were having about these issues is different and in many ways better than we’ve been having in the past. But there is still a very real caution, especially for younger and maybe mid-level foreign policy professionals who have their eye on that future job in the administration and don’t want to create problems for themselves down the road because they have seen how careers have been destroyed by people who take Palestinian lives too seriously. For people who take Palestinian lives to seriously.

MEHDI HASAN: What’s so insane to me, Matt, is that it is very clearly going to hurt the Democrats domestically if this continues to escalate. We are a month or two away from the election, month and a half, whatever, they can’t keep track of the date anymore. Countdown to disaster. And there’s no scenario in which a Middle East regional war involving America supporting Israel against Iran helps Kamala Harris. It’s insane.

MATT DUSS: I agree.

MEHDI HASAN: It’s self-harming for the Democrats.

MATT DUSS: I think this is, you know, the Biden administration’s, you know, calculation clearly was that Americans wouldn’t really care. I think, you know, Vice President Harris, you know, obviously has taken a bit more of a forward-leaning approach on the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. I think that’s important. I think it is notable that she lifted up the Palestinians and their right to self-determination in the convention speech. She didn’t go as far as many of us wanted. But still, the fact that that was a short speech that checked a number of boxes, that was a box she felt she needed to check. So I think we should take that as an acknowledgement. of this party, and that’s a growing constituency in the party. But yes, the fact that she has not signaled more of a break from Biden’s approach here, I think that’s going to be a problem. It may be a problem at the margins, but this election is going to be very close. It will be decided on the margins, and this could make the difference.

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Fears of all-out Mideast war grow as world leaders gather for U.N. General Assembly

NPR’s Leila Fadel talks with Matt Duss, the executive vice president at the Center for International Policy, about Israel’s strategy in the conflict with Hezbollah in Lebanon. Find the full interview here.

LEILA FADEL: The fears of all-out war in the Middle East grow as world leaders gather for the United Nations General Assembly.

ANTONIO GUTERRES: Lebanon is at the brink. The people of Lebanon, the people of Israel and the people of the world, cannot afford Lebanon to become another Gaza

LEILA FADEL: UN Secretary General, Antonio Guterres spoke to the opening session about the same time that health officials in Lebanon announced more than 550 were killed and 1000s more were wounded in a single 24 hour period, the deadliest day in Lebanon in decades. Thousands of civilians are fleeing Israeli airstrikes searching for safety. What will it take to de escalate to talk about this? Matt Duss is with me in studio this morning. He is the Executive Vice President at the Center for International Policy. It’s a nonprofit research and advocacy organization that’s been critical of Israel’s war in Gaza, and the response from the US. Matt, thanks for being here.

MATT DUSS: Very glad to be here, thank you.

LEILA FADEL: So 150 women and children among those killed in the strikes this, of course, after Israel was blamed for turning pagers and handheld radios that Hezbollah uses into little bombs that exploded in civilian areas. Why the dramatic escalation now?

MATT DUSS: Well, I think we should go back and to, you know, the, you know, the attacks of October 7 and the days immediately after, which is when Hezbollah, you know, started launching quite a few rockets into northern Israel, which has caused some 60,000 Israelis to have to flee their homes in northern Israel, in those communities which they’ve not been able to return. That rocket fire has continued as it has increased at certain times.

LEILA FADEL: And that’s for almost a year now.

MATT DUSS: For almost a year now, as this war has gone on, it’s hard to believe we’re almost a year into this, this catastrophic war. But, you know, there have been– A few weeks ago, there was a strike on a playground which killed a number of children in northern Israel–

LEILA FADEL: 12 kids.

MATT DUSS: –to which is Israel responded. But I think what we’re seeing now is, you know, an increase in the Israeli strikes, on, on, on, Lebanon against Hezbollah, because they believe they’ve kind of managed the situation in Gaza — and I hesitate to use that term manage. But I do also think it’s we have to understand that part of what’s driving this is Netanyahu’s belief that his only chance for political survival is to prolong and expand this war. He understands that as soon as this war comes to an end, he is going to face accountability for the failures of October 7, and that is something he would very, very much like to avoid.

LEILA FADEL: Now you point out, tens of thousands of Israelis have been evacuated from their homes. They want to go home, and the Israeli government says this is the way to make it safe. This escalation. Is this the way to do that?

MATT DUSS: It does not seem like it. Just hours ago, we saw a strike on Tel Aviv, which is the farthest south, I believe, that Hezbollah has launched in this in this engagement. Everyone understands that Hezbollah has tens of thousands of rockets and missiles and weapons that they could use if this war were to seriously escalate. But I think the approach that we see from the Israeli military here is, you know, and I hate using this term, but they call it ‘mowing the lawn.’ Where you will have a conflict, a brief conflict, which will buy some buy some time and some space. But this is far worse than we’ve seen, just as the Gaza war is far worse than previous wars. But again, there is really no longer-term strategy here, other than to strike hard at the enemy to kind of do some damage to their capabilities, to their to their weapons stores, and hope that you can buy some normalcy. But again, we see cycle after cycle, time after time, returning to this conflict. It is really intolerable for everyone.

LEILA FADEL: Yeah, that strike toward Tel Aviv was intercepted. So what should Israel do to make it stop.

MATT DUSS: Well, I think this all comes back to Gaza. I mean, Hezbollah has made clear that the rocket fire will stop when the Gaza war stops. There have been, of course, an effort by the Biden administration, starting four months ago, to get a permanent ceasefire. That is US policy as of the end of May was to bring this war to an end, at least that’s Biden’s stated policy. Unfortunately, he’s not been able to get that agreement, and one of the reasons why, as I said, Netanyahu has no interest in ending this war. He has made this clear. It’s been reported. We’ve seen numerous comments by Israeli officials, Israeli security officials, that Netanyahu is the one who continues to undermine these ceasefire negotiations. But unfortunately, President Biden still refuses to apply real pressure and use real leverage in the form of arms sales to really push Netanyahu to to agree to that ceasefire. The United States is the only country in the world that can impose those costs, and unfortunately, President Biden is still unwilling to do that.

LEILA FADEL: Matt Duss is from the Center for International Policy. Thank you, Matt.

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US Must Act Urgently to Deescalate the Growing Middle East Conflict

Following the escalation of hostilities between Hezbollah and Israel over the weekend, marked by increasing fatalities and suggesting a further expansion of the war, Center for International Policy executive vice president Matt Duss issued the following statement:

“The Biden Administration was warned for months that failure to ensure Israel abides by its international law obligations, as well US law, in the Gaza war and linked conflicts could lead to dangerous escalation throughout the region. In the absence of any meaningful US response to its repeated violations of US red lines, the government of Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu has continued to kill large numbers of civilians in Gaza, obstructed ceasefire efforts, and engaged in provocative strikes around the region.

“While Israel has the right and duty to defend itself from forces like Hamas, Hezbollah and Iran – all of which have engaged in outrageous and illegal terrorism against Israel and its citizens – Israel’s actions to counter such threats must adhere to the same international humanitarian law obligations binding all combatants. 

“In the wake of Israel’s sabotage attack via hundreds of exploding electronic devices that killed civilians, including children, in addition to Hezbollah targets in Lebanon, Hezbollah and Israel are now engaged in an exchange of missile and bombing attacks that could easily spiral into an all-out war between them. The prospects for a broad ceasefire in Gaza and elsewhere are near rock bottom, while the potential for a regional conflict that imperils millions of civilians as well as US personnel in the Middle East is rising sharply.

“As President Biden and his foreign policy team head to New York for the United Nations General Assembly, they should prioritize working with attending world leaders to halt this escalation and prevent a catastrophic conflagration. Arresting this precipitous slide into an avoidable war will require the Biden administration to engage, directly or indirectly, with adversaries who can help constrain Hamas and Hezbollah. It will also require the administration to finally take necessary steps to rein in the Netanyahu government as it seeks to cling to power by deepening and prolonging conflicts that undermine the security of all in the region, as well as the United States.”

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The Right Way for China and the US to Get Along

From September 12-14, I attended the 2024 Beijing Xiangshan Forum, participating in a panel discussion entitled “The Right Way for China and the United States to Get Along.” These were my opening remarks.

First, I would like to thank the forum for inviting me to participate and speak here today. While I’m here as a member of United States civil society and not a representative of the U.S. government, I will do my best to describe the current state of the policy debates in the United States, and how I think these relate to the question of how the United States and China can get along. 

While many Americans have questions about China’s ultimate goals in the world, I think most American leaders, and most of the American people, understand that the U.S. and China need to find ways to work together. There will be areas of disagreement, sometimes strong disagreement on issues of human rights, privacy, tech and trade, and others. But we can have a multifaceted relationship in which we cooperate, compete, and, when necessary, confront. The key is to keep talking. 

Right now, U.S. foreign policy is in a period of transition between the old era and a yet undefined new one. Donald Trump’s surprise victory in the 2016 U.S. presidential election awakened many in our policy community to the reality that despite Washington’s presumption of an unquestioned foreign policy consensus, many Americans actually had very serious questions about the assumptions that had guided decades of U.S. foreign policy. 

There is no “new Washington consensus”— not yet, at least. There is, instead, a contest for what will be the next paradigm for U.S. foreign policy. There are some who wish to subordinate all other concerns to the imperatives of “great-power competition.” There are others who want the U.S. to pull back to a more restrained role in global affairs. Of course, there remain those who cling to every scrap of the old neoliberal international order and the belief in the necessity of American primacy.

The Biden administration has taken several important steps toward defining a new approach, probably best articulated in an April 2023 speech by National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan. A global trade policy based on reducing global inequality and economic precarity through equitable trade, labor, and investment rules, could have enormous positive consequences for American workers and communities around the world.

This is part of the logic that undergirds the strong push for U.S. government investment in American manufacturing and infrastructure, in strengthening people’s faith in government by addressing the long-neglected needs of workers and their communities. And this is why I’m addressing a security conference by talking about jobs and the economy – because rebuilding a strong and durable American political consensus is essential for the United States to remain a reliable and effective security partner. 

I think most of the U.S. public understands how diplomacy and cooperation with China can provide benefits for Americans, as evidenced recently when China imposed new controls on fentanyl, which has had a devastating impact on many of our communities and families. There are other steps China can take in the diplomatic realm to be a better partner to the U.S. China showed a willingness to play a brokering role in Iran-Saudi detente, even if that was already baked, and in brokering Palestinian unity, even if that wasn’t baked at all. Playing a constructive role elsewhere would be welcome, particularly as in Russia’s war on Ukraine, where China is unfortunately helping Russia replenish its war machine. 

I think it’s important to note that a positive relationship of cooperation cannot be based on illusions. The U.S. and China can build a more collaborative security order, but unlike the previous global order, it can’t be built on redirecting insecurity toward others–be they ethnic or religious minorities, human rights defenders or political activists, internally or externally. Peace between great powers is only possible if it rests on a foundation of peace within our respective societies. While leaders everywhere exploit the failings of their adversaries for their own political ends, it is a mistake to dismiss these concerns. The American people do genuinely care about human rights, and support a foreign policy that reflects that.

So what should we do?

1) Advance global priorities that break away from an outdated and counterproductive “Great Power Competition” mindset

    The embrace of a “Great Power Competition” worldview with an unquestioned need to “win the future” defines US interests as a zero-sum fight that drains resources and goodwill. Both our countries need to recognize and secure their interests in the reality of a multi-polar world, rather than attempting to forestall it via a costly and ultimately self-defeating effort to disadvantage others. 

    A new approach to defining success in global influence should focus on 1) global public goods like universal public health infrastructure and green energy for all; 2) significantly increasing development investment in those countries and regions that have been starved of capital for decades; and 3) guaranteeing human, political and labor rights globally. Building international cooperation around such a transformation of the global economy would reestablish US–China relations on a new foundation, revive the legitimacy of international norms by expanding the opportunity it offers to people of all countries, and address the truly existential threats we all face today.

    2) Invest in the domestic critical technology workforce, while cooperating on shared challenges like climate change.

      The Biden administration has already taken steps to increase domestic production capacity for technologies critical to the security and economy of the United States, especially advanced technologies and those essential to address dire challenges like climate change. The only true growth trajectory, however, is one anchored in U.S.-China collaboration. The technologies needed to survive, mitigate, and overcome challenges like climate change and global health threats will not be built in one nation, and will require significant investment and cooperation from governments across the world. 

      Both China and the U.S. face tremendous challenges from warming temperatures, particularly in the area of desertification and water security. Exploiting these vulnerabilities elsewhere in the world in the hope that they lead to crisis and instability and strategic opportunity is both immoral and dangerous. Instead, the United States should approach cooperation on addressing urgent climate change imperatives – such as working with China to leverage non debt-creating climate finance investments and provide critical technical assistance to developing countries – as an opportunity to build trust and identify areas of mutual benefit on other issues.

      Developing a stable and constructive relationship between the United States and China will not be easy. But the future peace of the planet requires us to make that choice.


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      The Democrats’ Pro-Worker Agenda Can Go Global

      As a candidate, Vice President Kamala Harris is signalling her rejection of a corporatist neoliberalism in favor of progressive, worker-first policies at home. Such a policy would build on the existing pro-labor success of the Biden administration, but it also presents an opportunity to move towards a more pro-worker foreign policy, without getting caught in great power competition.

      Writes Matt Duss:

      The United States can build a more equitable global order, or it can frantically try to maintain global primacy, but it can’t do both. The Harris-Walz team has an important task and a big opportunity to diminish this contradiction and complete this transformation. Just as the neoliberal era proved that giving carte blanche to big corporations—whether they’re car companies or weapons manufacturers—is not a means for achieving broad economic progress or security, the past 20 years of the “war on terror” showed that a heavily militarized foreign policy feeds global insecurity and shreds the fabric of international norms.

      As outlined by Trump and Vance, the Republican vision is essentially zero-sum: The United States and its workers only win by others losing, and vice versa. The Harris-Walz team can offer a vision of contrasting solidarity, which doesn’t seek to build political consensus by vilifying the foreign enemy of the moment but rather seeks ways to uplifts workers and their communities in every country.

      Read the full piece at Foreign Policy.

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      [Video] Live from Chicago: Critical Examination of the 2024 Party Platforms

      Tune in Wednesday, August 21
      1pm CT – 2:15pm CT (2pm ET – 3:15pm ET)

      WATCH HERE

      For more information, visit https://progressivesforpalestine.com/

      About the Speakers

      Maya Berry
      President, Arab American Institute; Member, Democratic National Committee

       

      Matt Duss
      Executive Vice President, Center for International Policy; Former Foreign Policy Advisor, Senator Bernie Sanders

      Dr. James Zogby
      Executive Director, Arab American Institute; Previous DNC Delegate and Platform Committee Member

      For

       

       

       

      [Video] FP Live: What We’re Learning About Harris’s Foreign Policy

      On Aug. 22 at the Democratic National Convention in Chicago, Vice President Kamala Harris will take the stage to officially accept her party’s nomination. After a week of speeches, will a new Democratic foreign policy take shape? Will Harris try to put daylight between herself and her current boss, U.S. President Joe Biden?

      On August 23 at 11am ET, FP’s Ravi Agrawal hosted a conversation with Anne-Marie Slaughter, the CEO of New America and a former head of the U.S. State Department’s policy planning team, and Matt Duss, executive vice president of Center for International Policy and a former foreign-policy advisor to Sen. Bernie Sanders. They will outline what we know and don’t know about the foreign-policy plans of a potential Harris-Walz administration.

      Related Resources

      Continue reading “[Video] FP Live: What We’re Learning About Harris’s Foreign Policy”

      UNBURDENED: How Harris could forge a post-neoliberal U.S. foreign policy

      As Vice President Kamala Harris proceeds into the election and looks to carve out a path distinct from incumbent President Joe Biden, foreign policy is an area where she can make the most stark contrast with not just her opponent, but her predecessor. Anand Giridharadas interviewed CIP’s Matt Duss about what to do differently.

      Their conversation is far reaching, from Gaza and arms shipments to international law and industrial policy. One major call from Duss is for a break with neoliberal economic visions of the past, ones that supported bad governments abroad in order to provide American capital access to cheap workers in those countries.

      GIRIDHARADAS: What is the right message for Harris then? How do you talk about [this post-neoliberal economic approach] in terms that are not distorted by this — as you just put it — new hotness of great power competition.

      DUSS: I think focusing on: This is what is going to be good for American workers. It’s going to be good for workers around the world. We are not pitting American workers against workers in China or anywhere else in this zero-sum competition. What we are doing is going to be good.

      Again, the United States government’s first responsibility, first and foremost, is to the people of the United States. But making a pitch not only here but globally to say, Listen, we want to raise worker standards. We want to raise labor standards. We want to protect labor’s right to organize. That’s a very powerful message. And I also think looking at the speech that JD Vance gave at the RNC — in some ways, that was a mirror image or a darker version of the speech Jake Sullivan gave at Brookings because it was billed as a foreign policy speech.

      And yet it was all about trade. It was all about how the elites have failed working people. That is a very powerful message. And people can call him weird all they want, but I’m saying that was a map to what they are trying to do.

      Duss offers concrete policy recommendations for Harris, including:

      Use leverage. “Enforce that law as a way of putting genuine pressure on the Israeli government, Netanyahu in particular, to accept a ceasefire”

      Talk to Iran. “Getting to some regional agreement, a smaller nuclear deal that would at least have the U.S. and Iran talking and building some measure of familiarity and trust so that we better understand each other’s aims”

      Reposition the United States in support of international law.

      Ditch the “great power competition” frame. “I think defining our entire approach to the world through the lens of strategic competition is ultimately going to lead us down a very bad path that eventually leads one place, and that’s to conflict. It is not going to lead to more security and prosperity. It leads to more conflict. It’s just spending more on the military and spending less here on our people at home.”

      Labor protections at home and abroad. “Minimum wage legislation. Minimum corporate tax legislation nationally and globally. The global corporate minimum tax is a huge one that her administration should really lean into. Global minimum corporate tax and a global minimum wage raising America’s minimum wage substantially. Leaning into the social safety net.”

      Compassionate migration policy. “We’re not going to scare people away from the border given what they’ve already risked to get here. You need to address the reasons that they are choosing to flee.”

      Rethink sanctions, “which don’t actually produce policy change. They just produce more refugees, more migrants. They produce more corruption on the parts of elites inside these countries.”

      Read the full piece, which covers everything from Gaza to climate change to Iran, at The.Ink.